Monday, May 19, 2008

Brain Chemistry Basics

You've probably heard the term "neurotransmitter" before, but what does this really mean? Neurotransmitters are chemical messengers in the brain that facilitate communication between nerve cells. Let's illustrate with serotonin. Figure 1 depicts the junction between two nerve cells. Packets of serotonin molecules are released from the end of the presynaptic cell (the axon) into the space between the two nerve cells (the synapse). These molecules may then be taken up by serotonin receptors of the postsynaptic nerve cell (the dendrite) and thus pass along their chemical message. Excess molecules are taken back up by the presynaptic cell and reprocessed.

Several things might potentially go wrong with this process and lead to a serotonin deficit. Just to enumerate a few possibilities:

  • Not enough serotonin is produced,
  • Not enough receptor sites to receive serotonin,
  • Serotonin is being taken back up too quickly before it can reach receptor sites,
  • Chemical precursors (molecules that serotonin is manufactured from) may be in short supply, or
  • Molecules that facilitate the production of serotonin may be in short supply.

As you can see, if there is a breakdown anywhere along the path, neurotransmitter supplies may not be adequate for your needs. Inadequate supplies lead to the symptoms that we know as depression.

The Primary Players

There are three basic molecules, known chemically as monoamines, which are thought to play a role in mood regulation: norepinephrine, serotonin and dopamine.

In the 1960s Joseph J. Schildkraut of Harvard University cast his vote with norepinephrine as the causative factor for depression in the now classic "catecholamine" hypothesis of mood disorders. He proposed that depression stems from a deficiency of norepinephrine in certain brain circuits and that mania arises from an overabundance of this substance.1 There is indeed a large body of evidence2 that supports this hypothesis, however, changes in norepinephrine levels do not affect mood in everyone. The implication is that medications such as reboxetine, which specifically targets norepinephrine, will work for some persons but not others.3

Obviously there must be some other factor that interacts with norepinephrine to cause depression. Serotonin has been found to be this other factor. This molecule has taken center stage in the past two decades thanks to Prozac and other Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors (SSRI's), which selectively act on this molecule. Serious investigations into serotonin's role in mood disorders, however, have been going on for almost 30 years, ever since Arthur J. Prange, Jr., of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Alec Coppen of the Medical Research Council in England and their co-workers put forward the so-called "permissive hypothesis". This view held that synaptic depletion of serotonin was another cause of depression, one that worked by promoting, or "permitting," a fall in norepinephrine levels. So, although, norepinephrine still played a major role in depression, serotonin levels could be manipulated to indirectly raise norepinephrine. Newer antidepressants like Effexor are actually targeted at both serotonin and norepinephrine.4 Tricyclics (TCAs) also affect both norepinephrine and serotonin, however, they have the added effect of influencing histamine and acetylcholine, which produces the side-effects that TCAs are known for, such as dry mouth or eyes, peculiar taste in mouth, sensitivity to light of the eyes, blurry vision, constipation, uninary hesitancy, and others. SSRIs do not affect histamine and acetylcholine and thus do not have the same side-effects as the older medications.5

A third substance that may play a role in mood is dopamine. Dopamine is associated with the reward, or reinforcement, that we get which causes us to continue participating in an activity. It has been implicated in such conditions as Parkinson's Disease and schizophrenia. There is also some evidence that, at least for a subset of patients, dopamine plays a role in depression.6 Dopaminergic substances and stimulants have been used as antidepressants when other measures have failed.7 Some studies have investigated dopaminergic agents as a rapid method of relieving depression (in contrast to medications which may take up to six weeks to exhibit their full effect).8

Although agents that work selectively on dopamine have the benefit of fast action, they have also exhibited some properties which have kept them from being as widely used as other antidepressants. Dopamine is a neurotransmitter that is associated with addiction and it's production is stimulated by drugs such as cocaine, opiates and alcohol (which may explain why depressed persons choose to self-medicate with drugs and alcohol.9) Drug specifically targeted at dopamine, for example amineptine (Survector), present the potential for abuse.10 For this reason, amineptine is not approved for use in the US or Britain at this time.

References

  1. Nemeroff, Charles B. The Neurobiology of Depression. Scientific American, June 1998 [journal online]; Internet; cited May 15, 2000.
  2. Goldberg, Ivan T. The Cholinergic Hypothesis of Affective Disorders: A MEDLINE Search. [Web site]; cited May 15, 2000.
  3. Nemeroff.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Gelwan, Eliot. Tricyclic Antidepressants. Posted 9/30/92. [article online]; Internet, cited May 15, 2000.

  1. No longer available)
  2. California State University, Chico, Department of Psychology. Dopamine. [Web site]; cited May 15, 2000.
  3. Nierenberg, AA, Dougherty D, Rosenbaum JF. Dopaminergic agents and stimulants as antidepressant augementation strategies. J Clin Psychiatry, 1998, 59 Suppl 5:60-3, discussion 64. [Web site]; Internet; cited May 15, 2000.
  4. Willner P. The mesolimbic dopamine system as a target for rapid antidepressant action. Int Clin Psychopharmacol, 1997 Jul, 12 Suppl. 3:S7-14. [Web site]; Internet; cited May 15, 2000.
  5. Flaherty, Michael T. What is the Relationship between Depression and Alcohol Use? [article online]; cited May 15, 2000.
  6. Perera, I, Lim L. Amineptine and Midazolam Dependence. Singapore Medical Journal, date unknown. [online journal]; Internet; cited May 15, 2000

Sunday, May 18, 2008

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Research Fact Sheet

From: The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH)


Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is an anxiety disorder that some people develop after seeing or living through an event that caused or threatened serious harm or death. Symptoms include flashbacks or bad dreams, emotional numbness, intense guilt or worry, angry outbursts, feeling “on edge,” or avoiding thoughts and situations that remind them of the trauma. In PTSD, these symptoms last at least one month.

To aid those who suffer with PTSD, the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) is supporting PTSD-focused research, and related studies on anxiety and fear, to find better ways of helping people cope with trauma, as well as better ways to treat and ultimately prevent the disorder. This research fact sheet will highlight several important areas that NIMH researchers have recently learned about:

  • possible risk factors,
  • treating the disorder, and
  • next steps for PTSD research.

For more information about PTSD, please see the NIMH Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder booklet. You can also find a list of places to find more information about PTSD and NIMH at the end of this fact sheet.

Research on Possible Risk Factors for PTSD

Currently, many scientists are focusing on genes that play a role in creating fear memories. Understanding how fear memories are created may help to refine or find new interventions for reducing the symptoms of PTSD. For example, PTSD researchers have pinpointed genes that make:

  • Stathmin, a protein needed to form fear memories. In one study, mice that did not make stathmin were less likely than normal mice to “freeze,” a natural, protective response to danger, after being exposed to a fearful experience. They also showed less innate fear by exploring open spaces more willingly than normal mice.1
  • GRP (gastrin-releasing peptide), a signaling chemical in the brain released during emotional events. In mice, GRP seems to help control the fear response, and lack of GRP may lead to the creation of greater and more lasting memories of fear.2

Researchers have also found a version of the 5-HTTLPR gene, which controls levels of serotonin — a brain chemical related to mood-that appears to fuel the fear response.3 Like other mental disorders, it is likely that many genes with small effects are at work in PTSD.

Studying parts of the brain involved in dealing with fear and stress also helps researchers to better understand possible causes of PTSD. One such brain structure is the amygdala, known for its role in emotion, learning, and memory. The amygdala appears to be active in fear acquisition, or learning to fear an event (such as touching a hot stove), as well as in the early stages of fear extinction, or learning not to fear.4

Storing extinction memories and dampening the original fear response appears to involve the prefrontal cortex (PFC) area of the brain,4 involved in tasks such as decision-making, problem-solving, and judgment. Certain areas of the PFC play slightly different roles. For example, when it deems a source of stress controllable, the medial PFC suppresses the amygdala an alarm center deep in the brainstem and controls the stress response.5 The ventromedial PFC helps sustain long-term extinction of fearful memories, and the size of this brain area may affect its ability to do so.6

Individual differences in these genes or brain areas may only set the stage for PTSD without actually causing symptoms. Environmental factors, such as childhood trauma, head injury, or a history of mental illness, may further increase a person's risk by affecting the early growth of the brain.7 Also, personality and cognitive factors, such as optimism and the tendency to view challenges in a positive or negative way, as well as social factors, such as the availability and use of social support, appear to influence how people adjust to trauma.8 More research may show what combinations of these or perhaps other factors could be used someday to predict who will develop PTSD following a traumatic event.

Research on Treating PTSD

Currently, people with PTSD may be treated with psychotherapy (“talk” therapy), medications, or a combination of the two.

Psychotherapy

Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) teaches different ways of thinking and reacting to the frightening events that trigger PTSD symptoms and can help bring those symptoms under control. There are several types of CBT, including

  • exposure therapy — uses mental imagery, writing, or visiting the scene of a trauma to help survivors face and gain control of overwhelming fear and distress
  • cognitive restructuring — encourages survivors to talk about upsetting (often incorrect) thoughts about the trauma, question those thoughts, and replace them with more balanced and correct ones.
  • stress inoculation training — teaches anxiety reduction techniques and coping skills to reduce PTSD symptosm, and helps correct inaccurate thoughts related to the trauma.

NIMH is currently studying how the brain responds to CBT compared to sertraline (Zoloft), one of the two medications recommended and approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for treating PTSD. This research may help clarify why some people respond well to medication and others to psychotherapy

Medications

In a small study, NIMH researchers recently found that for people already taking a bedtime dose of the medication prazosin (Minipress), adding a daytime dose helped to reduce overall PTSD symptom severity, as well as stressful responses to trauma reminders.9

Another medication of interest is D-cycloserine (Seromycin), which boosts the activity of a brain chemical called NMDA, which is needed for fear extinction. In a study of 28 people with a fear of heights, scientists found that those treated with D-cycloserine before exposure therapy showed reduced fear during the therapy sessions compared to those who did not receive the drug.10 Researchers are currently studying the effects of using D-cycloserine with therapy to treat PTSD.

Propranolol (Inderal), a type of medicine called a beta-blocker, is also being studied to see if it may help reduce stress following a traumatic event and interrupt the creation of fearful memories. Early studies have successfully reduced or seemingly prevented PTSD in small numbers of trauma victims.11

Treatment After Mass Trauma

NIMH researchers are testing creative approaches to making CBT widely available, such as with Internet-based self-help therapy and telephone-assisted therapy. Less formal treatments for those experiencing acute stress reactions are also being explored to reduce chances of developing full blown PTSD

For example, in one preliminary study, researchers created a self-help website using concepts of stress inoculation training. People with PTSD first met face-to-face with a therapist. After this meeting, participants could log onto the website to find more information about PTSD and ways to cope, and their therapists could also log on to give advice or coaching as needed. Overall, the scientists found delivering therapy this way to be a promising method for reaching a large number of people suffering with PTSD symptoms.12

Researchers are also working to improve methods of screening, providing early treatment, and tracking mass trauma survivors; and approaches for guiding survivors through self-evaluation/screening and prompting referral to mental health care providers based on need.

The Next Steps for PTSD Research

In the last decade, rapid progress in research on the mental and biological foundations of PTSD has lead scientists to focus on prevention as a realistic and important goal.

For example, NIMH-funded researchers are exploring new and orphan medications thought to target underlying causes of PTSD in an effort to prevent the disorder. Other research is attempting to enhance cognitive, personality, and social protective factors and to minimize risk factors to ward off full-blown PTSD after trauma. Still other research is attempting to identify what factors determine whether someone with PTSD will respond well to one type of intervention or another, aiming to develop more personalized, effective and efficient treatments.

The examples described here are only a small sampling of the ongoing work at NIMH. To find more information about ongoing PTSD clinical studies, see NIMH's PTSD clinical trials Web page. As gene research and brain imaging technologies continue to improve, scientists are more likely to be able to pinpoint when and where in the brain PTSD begins. This understanding may then lead to better targeted treatments to suit each person's own needs or even prevent the disorder before it causes harm.

Where Can I Get More Information?

MedlinePlus, a service of the U.S. National Library of Medicine and the National Institutes of Health, provides updated information and resource lists for many health topics, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (En Español)

Information from NIMH is available online, in PDF, or as paper brochures sent through the mail. If you would like to have NIMH publications, you can order them at http://www.nimh.nih.gov or contact NIMH at the numbers listed below.

National Institute of Mental Health
Office of Science Policy, Planning, and Communications
6001 Executive Boulevard
Room 8184, MSC 9663
Bethesda, MD 20892-9663
Phone: 301-443- 4513, 1-866-615-NIMH (6464) toll-free
TTY: 1-866-415-8051 toll free
Fax: 301-443-4279
E-mail: nimhinfo@nih.gov

References

1. Shumyatsky GP, Malleret G, Shin RM, et al. stathmin, a Gene Enriched in the Amygdala, Controls Both Learned and Innate Fear. Cell. Nov 18 2005;123(4):697-709.

2. Shumyatsky GP, Tsvetkov E, Malleret G, et al. Identification of a signaling network in lateral nucleus of amygdala important for inhibiting memory specifically related to learned fear. Cell. Dec 13 2002;111(6):905-918.

3. Hariri AR, Mattay VS, Tessitore A, et al. Serotonin transporter genetic variation and the response of the human amygdala. Science. Jul 19 2002;297(5580):400-403.

4. Milad MR, Quirk GJ. Neurons in medial prefrontal cortex signal memory for fear extinction. Nature. Nov 7 2002;420(6911):70-74.

5. Amat J, Baratta MV, Paul E, Bland ST, Watkins LR, Maier SF. Medial prefrontal cortex determines how stressor controllability affects behavior and dorsal raphe nucleus. Nat Neurosci. Mar 2005;8(3):365-371.

6. Milad MR, Quinn BT, Pitman RK, Orr SP, Fischl B, Rauch SL. Thickness of ventromedial prefrontal cortex in humans is correlated with extinction memory. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A. Jul 26 2005;102(30):10706-10711.

7. Gurvits TV, Gilbertson MW, Lasko NB, et al. Neurologic soft signs in chronic posttraumatic stress disorder. Arch Gen Psychiatry. Feb 2000;57(2):181-186.

8. Brewin CR. Risk factor effect sizes in PTSD: what this means for intervention. J Trauma Dissociation. 2005;6(2):123-130.

9. Taylor FB, Lowe K, Thompson C, et al. Daytime Prazosin Reduces Psychological Distress to Trauma Specific Cues in Civilian Trauma Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. Biol Psychiatry. Feb 3 2006.

10. Ressler KJ, Rothbaum BO, Tannenbaum L, et al. Cognitive enhancers as adjuncts to psychotherapy: use of D-cycloserine in phobic individuals to facilitate extinction of fear. Arch Gen Psychiatry. Nov 2004;61(11):1136-1144.

11. Pitman RK, Sanders KM, Zusman RM, et al. Pilot study of secondary prevention of posttraumatic stress disorder with propranolol. Biol Psychiatry. Jan 15 2002;51(2):189-192.

12. Litz BT WL, Wang J, Bryant R, Engel CC. A therapist-assisted Internet self-help program for traumatic stress. Prof Psychol Res Pr. December 2004;35(6):628-634.




NIMH publications are in the public domain and may be reproduced or copied without the permission from the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH). NIMH encourages you to reproduce them and use them in your efforts to improve public health. Citation of the National Institute of Mental Health as a source is appreciated. However, using government materials inappropriately can raise legal or ethical concerns, so we ask you to use these guidelines:

  • NIMH does not endorse or recommend any commercial products, processes, or services, and publications may not be used for advertising or endorsement purposes.
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If you have questions regarding these guidelines and use of NIMH publications, please contact the NIMH Information Center at 1-866-615-6464 or at nimhinfo@nih.gov.

Saturday, May 03, 2008

Borderline: Walking the Line

From: Psychology Today

Can you live with, and move beyond, a relationship with a borderline parent?
By Matthew Hutson, Psychology Today

Your childhood was full of tantrums—impulsivity, mood swings, neediness, fear of abandonment, and extreme sensitivity to rejection. And this isn't you we're talking about; it's your mom.

If you grew up the constant target of finicky and derisive comments, or the emotional caretaker for one of your parents, you know all too well the pain of having a father or (usually) mother with Borderline Personality Disorder. BPD doesn't just affect the one who receives the diagnosis; it often leaves a wake of turmoil through entire families as the emotional and relational disturbances ripple outward.

When a role model treats you as an extension of herself—there to meet her needs—the trauma can be long lasting. It takes a very strong person to overcome the effects, let alone maintain a constructive relationship with the parent. But there's hope. Here are several guidelines for dealing with a borderline parent, and for moving on with your own life.

Know the Type
Mothers with BPD outnumber fathers, and Christine Lawson, author of Understanding the Borderline Mother, has a taxonomy of the troubled parent: "The Queen is controlling, the Witch is sadistic, the Hermit is fearful, and the Waif is helpless," she says. And each requires a different approach. Don't let the Queen get the upper hand; be wary even of accepting gifts because it engenders expectations. Don't internalize the Hermit's fears or become limited by them. Don't allow yourself to be alone with the Witch; maintain distance for your own emotional and physical safety. And with the Waif, don't get pulled into her crises and sense of victimization; "pay attention to your own tendencies to want to rescue her, which just feeds the dynamic," Lawson says.

Build Fences
Borderline parents often can't separate their own needs from the needs of others. And sometimes they can't meet their own emotional needs, so they look to their children to fill it. When the child doesn't do the job, the parent can get angry, making resistance difficult. "Adult children need to define for themselves their limits and boundaries," says Kimberlee Roth, author of Surviving a Borderline Parent. "Let's say a parent regularly calls late at night to vent. Whatever your needs, communicate them in a calm, non-accusatory way: 'Mom, I'd like to listen but I can't do it late at night. How about if we talk in the morning instead?'" As a last resort, use Caller ID or voicemail.

Be Firm But Sensitive
Personal validation, which is important in any situation, is essential with a borderline parent. Express your awareness of her emotions even as you set boundaries. "You might feel like a broken record," Roth says, "but it's important to keep repeating your acknowledgement of the parent's needs without diminishing your own."

Trust Yourself
In writing her book, Roth encountered many children of borderline parents who said they felt crazy growing up. "They experienced a lot of inconsistencies—an action or statement that earned praise one day would touch off a three-day, stony silent treatment the next—as well as sudden outbursts and overreactions." So they never learn to trust their own judgment or feelings. The most important element to recovery, she says, is to accept that you're not crazy and that "it wasn't me."

Trust Others
People who've survived a borderline parent most frequently suffer from "feelings of worthlessness, fear of abandonment, and fear of people in general," according to Randi Kreger, co-author of the bestselling Stop Walking on Eggshells: Taking Your Life Back When Someone You Care About Has Borderline Personality Disorder. Because these adult children received "such mixed messages—you're a great person one day and you're horrible the next—there's a certain mistrust of people because you're always afraid they're going to hurt you." Kreger advises that they find friends and partners unlike the parent: consistent people who can provide unconditional love. And stop looking for sleights; hair-trigger defense systems that developed in the presence of abusive parents often lead people to see ill intentions where they don't exist and end up preemptively sabotaging relationships.

Defend Your Boundaries
Children of borderline parents are often forced to act as the parent themselves—"it's like a child raising a child," Kreger says—and this role can play itself out in other relationships. They grow up very quickly in many ways and act as caretaker for everyone, sometimes at the expense of taking care of themselves. "Having that undue sense of responsibility can leave them feeling very alone in the world," Lawson says. And they allow others to tread their boundaries just as the parent did. So once you learn to set limits for your parent, set them for other people and learn to put yourself first.

None of these steps will come easy. An abusive or inconsistent parent can leave a deep wound. "Trying to manage it can be a lifelong process," Kreger says. But she insists that with a good therapist, and support from a community of other people who have gone through the same thing, "there is real possibility to get better, and I know many people who have."

Friday, May 02, 2008

Suicides increased after antidepressant warning: Manitoba researcher

From: CBC News

Youth suicides increased after Health Canada warned about the use of antidepressants, a University of Manitoba researcher has found.

Health Canada issued a notice in 2004 that antidepressant drugs were linked to increased rates of suicidal thoughts in children and teens.

It advised patients under the age of 18 who were being treated with selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) or serotonin noradrenalin reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs) to consult their physicians. A similar warning was issued around the same time in the U.S.

Dr. Laurence Katz, an associate professor of psychiatry at the University of Manitoba, studied provincial data from 2005 and 2006, and found some children and teens with mental illness stopped taking their medication and stopped regularly seeing their doctors following the warning.

Katz, of the university's child psychiatry department and mood and anxiety disorders research group, found youth suicides in Manitoba rose dramatically during that time.

Katz had been worried about the advisory and what it would mean for children's health.

During the two-year period studied, there was a 25 per cent increase in youth suicide and a 14 per cent drop in the use of antidepressants among children and teens.

There was also a 10 per cent drop in the number of doctor visits by depressed kids, suggesting the public didn't really understand the warning, Katz said.

"If people had followed those guidelines and adhered to the concern in the warning, we would have expected to see physician office visits increase. But, in fact, they went down."

More research needed

The results, released Monday in Winnipeg, don't surprise Bill Ashdown of the Mood Disorders Association of Manitoba.

"Having the advisory come out would certainly negatively impact the number of doctors who would simply say, 'No, I'm not going to bother prescribing because it will get me into a hassle.'"

Ashdown is convinced some patients would have simply stopped taking their medication without consulting their doctors. He said the warning should have been issued only to physicians through medical journals.

Katz said he didn't have a problem with the way the warning was worded — the problem was with how it was perceived. More research is needed, he added, into what role the warning played in the study's findings.

Thursday, May 01, 2008

Borderline Personality Disorder

From: The National Institute of Mental Health

Raising questions, finding answers

Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is a serious mental illness characterized by pervasive instability in moods, interpersonal relationships, self-image, and behavior. This instability often disrupts family and work life, long-term planning, and the individual's sense of self-identity. Originally thought to be at the "borderline" of psychosis, people with BPD suffer from a disorder of emotion regulation. While less well known than schizophrenia or bipolar disorder (manic-depressive illness), BPD is more common, affecting 2 percent of adults, mostly young women.1 There is a high rate of self-injury without suicide intent, as well as a significant rate of suicide attempts and completed suicide in severe cases.2,3 Patients often need extensive mental health services, and account for 20 percent of psychiatric hospitalizations.4 Yet, with help, many improve over time and are eventually able to lead productive lives.

Symptoms

While a person with depression or bipolar disorder typically endures the same mood for weeks, a person with BPD may experience intense bouts of anger, depression, and anxiety that may last only hours, or at most a day.5 These may be associated with episodes of impulsive aggression, self-injury, and drug or alcohol abuse. Distortions in cognition and sense of self can lead to frequent changes in long-term goals, career plans, jobs, friendships, gender identity, and values. Sometimes people with BPD view themselves as fundamentally bad, or unworthy. They may feel unfairly misunderstood or mistreated, bored, empty, and have little idea who they are. Such symptoms are most acute when people with BPD feel isolated and lacking in social support, and may result in frantic efforts to avoid being alone.

People with BPD often have highly unstable patterns of social relationships. While they can develop intense but stormy attachments, their attitudes towards family, friends, and loved ones may suddenly shift from idealization (great admiration and love) to devaluation (intense anger and dislike). Thus, they may form an immediate attachment and idealize the other person, but when a slight separation or conflict occurs, they switch unexpectedly to the other extreme and angrily accuse the other person of not caring for them at all. Even with family members, individuals with BPD are highly sensitive to rejection, reacting with anger and distress to such mild separations as a vacation, a business trip, or a sudden change in plans. These fears of abandonment seem to be related to difficulties feeling emotionally connected to important persons when they are physically absent, leaving the individual with BPD feeling lost and perhaps worthless. Suicide threats and attempts may occur along with anger at perceived abandonment and disappointments.

People with BPD exhibit other impulsive behaviors, such as excessive spending, binge eating and risky sex. BPD often occurs together with other psychiatric problems, particularly bipolar disorder, depression, anxiety disorders, substance abuse, and other personality disorders.

Treatment

Treatments for BPD have improved in recent years. Group and individual psychotherapy are at least partially effective for many patients. Within the past 15 years, a new psychosocial treatment termed dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) was developed specifically to treat BPD, and this technique has looked promising in treatment studies.6 Pharmacological treatments are often prescribed based on specific target symptoms shown by the individual patient. Antidepressant drugs and mood stabilizers may be helpful for depressed and/or labile mood. Antipsychotic drugs may also be used when there are distortions in thinking.7

Recent Research Findings

Although the cause of BPD is unknown, both environmental and genetic factors are thought to play a role in predisposing patients to BPD symptoms and traits. Studies show that many, but not all individuals with BPD report a history of abuse, neglect, or separation as young children.8 Forty to 71 percent of BPD patients report having been sexually abused, usually by a non-caregiver.9 Researchers believe that BPD results from a combination of individual vulnerability to environmental stress, neglect or abuse as young children, and a series of events that trigger the onset of the disorder as young adults. Adults with BPD are also considerably more likely to be the victim of violence, including rape and other crimes. This may result from both harmful environments as well as impulsivity and poor judgement in choosing partners and lifestyles.

NIMH-funded neuroscience research is revealing brain mechanisms underlying the impulsivity, mood instability, aggression, anger, and negative emotion seen in BPD. Studies suggest that people predisposed to impulsive aggression have impaired regulation of the neural circuits that modulate emotion.10 The amygdala, a small almond-shaped structure deep inside the brain, is an important component of the circuit that regulates negative emotion. In response to signals from other brain centers indicating a perceived threat, it marshals fear and arousal. This might be more pronounced under the influence of drugs like alcohol, or stress. Areas in the front of the brain (pre-frontal area) act to dampen the activity of this circuit. Recent brain imaging studies show that individual differences in the ability to activate regions of the prefrontal cerebral cortex thought to be involved in inhibitory activity predict the ability to suppress negative emotion.11

Serotonin, norepinephrine and acetylcholine are among the chemical messengers in these circuits that play a role in the regulation of emotions, including sadness, anger, anxiety, and irritability. Drugs that enhance brain serotonin function may improve emotional symptoms in BPD. Likewise, mood-stabilizing drugs that are known to enhance the activity of GABA, the brain's major inhibitory neurotransmitter, may help people who experience BPD-like mood swings. Such brain-based vulnerabilities can be managed with help from behavioral interventions and medications, much like people manage susceptibility to diabetes or high blood pressure.7

Future Progress

Studies that translate basic findings about the neural basis of temperament, mood regulation, and cognition into clinically relevant insights which bear directly on BPD represent a growing area of NIMH-supported research. Research is also underway to test the efficacy of combining medications with behavioral treatments like DBT, and gauging the effect of childhood abuse and other stress in BPD on brain hormones. Data from the first prospective, longitudinal study of BPD, which began in the early 1990s, is expected to reveal how treatment affects the course of the illness. It will also pinpoint specific environmental factors and personality traits that predict a more favorable outcome. The Institute is also collaborating with a private foundation to help attract new researchers to develop a better understanding and better treatment for BPD.

References

1Swartz M, Blazer D, George L, Winfield I. Estimating the prevalence of borderline personality disorder in the community. Journal of Personality Disorders, 1990; 4(3): 257-72.

2Soloff PH, Lis JA, Kelly T, Cornelius J, Ulrich R. Self-mutilation and suicidal behavior in borderline personality disorder. Journal of Personality Disorders, 1994; 8(4): 257-67.

3Gardner DL, Cowdry RW. Suicidal and parasuicidal behavior in borderline personality disorder. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 1985; 8(2): 389-403.

4Zanarini MC, Frankenburg FR. Treatment histories of borderline inpatients. Comprehensive Psychiatry, in press.

5Zanarini MC, Frankenburg FR, DeLuca CJ, Hennen J, Khera GS, Gunderson JG. The pain of being borderline: dysphoric states specific to borderline personality disorder. Harvard Review of Psychiatry, 1998; 6(4): 201-7.

6Koerner K, Linehan MM. Research on dialectical behavior therapy for patients with borderline personality disorder. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 2000; 23(1): 151-67.

7Siever LJ, Koenigsberg HW. The frustrating no-mans-land of borderline personality disorder. Cerebrum, The Dana Forum on Brain Science, 2000; 2(4).

8Zanarini MC, Frankenburg. Pathways to the development of borderline personality disorder. Journal of Personality Disorders, 1997; 11(1): 93-104.

9Zanarini MC. Childhood experiences associated with the development of borderline personality disorder. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 2000; 23(1): 89-101.

10Davidson RJ, Jackson DC, Kalin NH. Emotion, plasticity, context and regulation: perspectives from affective neuroscience. Psychological Bulletin, 2000; 126(6): 873-89.

11Davidson RJ, Putnam KM, Larson CL. Dysfunction in the neural circuitry of emotion regulation - a possible prelude to violence. Science, 2000; 289(5479): 591-4.

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

Preventing suicide: A resource for the family

Preventing suicide: A resource for the family
by Sergio A Pérez Barrero
Annals of General Psychiatry 2008, 7:1doi:10.1186/1744-859X-7-1
24 January 2008

The family can play an important role in the prevention of suicide if it is capable of aiding the mental health care services in the early detection and management of family members at risk. In order to attain this goal, the whole family should be informed in how to prevent suicide.

Background
Suicide is one of the 10 major causes of death in most countries. The family can play an important role in its prevention, as it is an avoidable cause of death. In order to be able to prevent suicide among its members, the family should rid itself of some myths associated with suicidal behavior.

Myths can be defined as culturally accepted phenomena rooted in the minds of people that do not reflect any scientific truth; in the case of suicide they are erroneous judgments concerning the act itself and the person who takes their own life. Such myths need to be removed if people at risk are to be helped.

Myths tend to justify their advocates' attitudes and become a hindrance in the prevention of suicide. There are many myths in relation to suicide and the suicides. We will consider some of these, and also explain some scientific criteria that should be taken into consideration by the family in order to help prevent suicide among its members.

Myth 1: those who want to end their life will not admit it
This myth leads to people not paying attention to those who do express their suicidal ideas or threaten to commit suicide.

A total of 9 out of 10 people who committed suicide expressed their purposes clearly, and it is likely 10 in 10 people who commit suicide will have hinted at their intention to put an end to their live.

Myth 2: those who say they will do it will not
This myth leads to suicide threats not taken seriously because they are taken as blackmail, manipulation, bluff, etc.

In fact, every person who commits suicide announces with words, threats, gestures or changes of behavior what is about to happen.

Myth 3: a person who will commit suicide does not give any hints about what he or she is up to
This myth tries to ignore the prodromic manifestations of suicide. However, as stated for myth 2, every person who commits suicide announces with words, threats, gestures or changes of behavior what is about to happen.

Myth 4: those who attempt suicide are cowards
This myth tries to avoid consideration of the true causes of suicide by attributing the behavior to a negative personality trait.

In fact, those who commit suicide are not cowards, but people who are suffering.

Myth 5: those who attempt suicide are courageous people
This myth tries to attribute suicidal behavior to a positive personality trait. This criterion hinders suicide prevention because it portrays suicidal behavior as justified, as it is considered synonymous to bravery, an asset that everybody would like to possess.

However, those who attempt to commit suicide are neither brave people nor cowards, as bravery and cowardice are personality traits that cannot be quantified or measured by the number of times you attempt to kill yourself or decide to give yourself another chance.

Myth 6: asking a person at risk if they have thought of committing suicide could stimulate them to do it
This myth instills a fear of speaking about the topic of suicide with people who are at risk of committing it.

It has been proven that talking about suicide with a person at risk does not stimulate the idea itself, but instead contributes to reducing the likelihood of the act and it might be the only possibility offered to the subject for analysis of his or her self-destructive reasoning [1,2].

Suicide risk groups
In addition to the myths about suicide, the family should also learn about suicide risk groups.

Suicide risk groups are groups of people, who according to their particular characteristics, could be at greater risk of committing suicide than the general populace. Major suicide risk groups include the depressed, subjects who have made previous suicide attempts, subjects who have suicidal ideas or have threatened to commit suicide, survivors (see below for definition), and vulnerable subjects facing a crisis. Below, we will briefly describe each group.

The depressed
Depression is a common disease related to people's moods. The most common symptoms are sadness, lack of motivation to do things, lack of will, desire to die, multiple somatic complaints, suicidal ideation, suicidal acts, sleep and appetite disorders, and carelessness about personal hygiene.

Some characteristics of adolescents' depressive state of mind are as follows.
  • They tend to be more irritable than sad.
  • Fluctuations of their affective behavior are more frequent than in adults, whose moods tend to be more stable.
  • Hypersomnia is more frequent than insomnia.
  • They are more likely to complain of physical symptoms when they feel depressed.
  • They are more prone to exhibit episodes of violence and antisocial behavior as a manifestation of mood disorders than adults.
  • They might show risky behavior, e.g. alcohol or drug abuse, or driving motor vehicles at high speeds while either sober or drunk.
  • The likelihood of committing suicide is higher in adolescents than in adults in similar situations.
In the elderly, depression can appear disguised as:

Depression as normal aging
In this case, the older person loses interest in the things they used to like most, lack vitality and willpower, tend to relive the past, lose weight, suffers from sleep disorders, complains about memory impairment, and will have a tendency to live in isolation (e.g. they will spend most of their time in their bedroom). For many people this picture is a normal behavior for old people and not an indication of depression.

Depression as abnormal aging
In the elderly, different degrees of disorientation to times, places and people might be present; they might confuse people they know with each other, they are not able to recognize places, there is a deterioration of their abilities and control over habits, sphincter relaxation appears (i.e. the old person urinates and/or defecates uncontrollably), they might present gait impairments that resemble cerebrovascular disease and so on. They might also suffer from behavior disorders, for instance, refusing to be fed, etc. For many people, this picture is consistent with irreversible dementia and not an indication of depression.

Depression as physical, somatic or organic disease
Old people complain of multiple physical symptoms, such as headache, backache, chest pain or pain in the legs. They might also complain of digestive disturbances such as slow digestion, heartburn, or abdominal bloating even without having eaten anything. They take laxatives, antacids and other medications to get relief for their gastrointestinal disturbances, they complain of losing their taste sensation, they lack appetite, they lose weight, they have cardiovascular problems such as palpitations, oppression, breathlessness, etc. For many people this picture is consistent with a somatic disease and not an indication of depression.

Depression as a non-depressive mental disease
Old people often have the feeling that someone is watching or following them, that someone wants to kill them, or that everybody is talking about them. When they are asked why they think this, they answer that they deserve it because "they are the worst human beings on earth", "the greatest of all sinners", and similar expressions that indicate depression.

Depression as a depressive mental disease
This is characterized by the following.
  • A depressive state of mind most of the day and/or every day.
  • Marked reduction of pleasure or interest in all or most of their daily activities.
  • Loss of weight without going on a diet, or weight gain of about 5%.
  • Daily insomnia or hypersomnia.
  • Psychomotor agitation or retardation.
  • Daily fatigue or lack of energy.
  • Inappropriate feelings of guilt, which can lead to guilt delusion.
  • Decreased capacity to think or to concentrate and hesitancy during most of the day.
  • Recurrent thoughts of death or suicide.
As we can see, it is not wise to infer that any symptom presented by old people is simply due to their age and the ailments that characterize that period of life, to dementia, or to a physical illness. Such symptoms can be manifestations of depression and, consequently, vitality and the remaining compromised functions can be recovered if the depression is treated. If depression is not properly diagnosed, it can become chronic and it can lead to suicide [3,4].

Subjects who have made previous suicide attempts
According to some studies, 1–2% of those who had made a suicide attempt committed suicide during the first year that followed the attempt, and 10–20% committed suicide at a later point in their lives.

Subjects who have had suicidal ideas or have threatened to commit suicide
Having suicidal ideas does not necessarily lead to committing suicide. Several studies have reported individuals who had had suicidal ideas during their lives and never experienced an act of self-aggression. However, when suicidal ideas appear as a symptom of mental disorder and they are accompanied by a high suicidal tendency, an increasing frequency, and a detailed planning in circumstances that favor the act, the risk of suicide is very high.

Survivors
Survivors in this sense are those people who have very close links with a person who dies as a result of suicide. Among the survivors are relatives, friends, partners, and even the doctor, psychiatrist, or any other therapist who attended to the deceased.

Vulnerable subjects facing a crisis
This group includes mainly non-depressed mental patients such as schizophrenic and/or alcoholic patients, drug addicts, anxious people, people with personality disorders, and those with impulse control disorders. This group also includes individuals who suffer from a terminal, malignant, painful or disabling physical illness that jeopardizes their quality of life.

This group also includes certain groups of individuals, such as ethnic minorities and immigrants, who are not able to adapt themselves to their new country of residence, who are considered second-class citizens, and those who have been tortured or have been victims of violence of some form [5,6].

When such individuals face a conflict or a significant event beyond their capacity to solve, they tend to resort to suicide. When subjects from any risk group are in crisis, they can communicate their suicide intentions in different ways. For instance, the subject might threaten to commit suicide, or say that:
  • he/she wishes to kill himself/herself;
  • he/she wants to die;
  • other people would feel better if he/she did not exist;
  • it is preferable to be dead than alive;
  • he/she has had bad ideas;
  • the rest of the world will not have to stand him/her any longer;
  • he/she does not want to live;
  • it is preferable to be dead than to live his/her life;
  • he/she has thought about putting an end to his/her life;
  • his/her life should not be lived;
  • he/she does not want to be a burden on other people;
  • his/her life is not worth living;
  • he/she would like to fall asleep and never wake up;
  • he/she is tired of living [7,8].

As the family becomes aware of the many different forms that risk of suicide can be communicated, they should also learn to identify the situations that can lead to suicide risk in order to increase family support. Among these situations are the following.

In childhood
  • Watching painful events (domestic violence);
  • familial break-up;
  • the death of a loved one who provided emotional support;
  • living with a mentally ill person as the only next of kin;
  • having been scolded in a humiliating way.
In adolescence
  • Facing a troubled love life;
  • having a damaged relationship with significant figures (father, mother, or teacher);
  • parents' expectations and demands beyond the reach of adolescents' capacities;
  • unwanted pregnancies;
  • concealed pregnancies;
  • examination periods;
  • having friends who exhibit suicidal behavior or consider suicide as a way to solve problems;
  • love disappointments;
  • the "hustle and bustle" of modern life phenomenon;
  • having been scolded in a humiliating way;
  • sexual abuse or harassment perpetrated by significant figures;
  • loss of significant figures as a result of marriage break-up, death or abandonment;
  • periods of adaptation to military regimens or boarding school systems;
  • awareness of serious mental disease.
In adulthood
  • Unemployment (during the first year of job loss);
  • having a competitive wife (in some male-oriented cultures);
  • public personalities involved in sexual scandals (politicians, religious people, etc.);
  • bankruptcy;
  • recent psychiatric hospitalization;
  • hospital discharge with a serious mental disease.
In old age
  • Initial period of institutionalization;
  • first year after death of lifelong partner in men and second year in women;
  • physical and psychological abuse;
  • physical illnesses that affect sleeping (chronic insomnia);
  • loss of mental capacity [9-11].
Dealing with the potentially suicidal
In the presence of a subject belonging to one of the risk groups mentioned, who is facing any of the situations described it is essential to carry out a thorough exploration of their suicidal ideation. The following are variants to approach this topic.

First variant
You can ask the family member at risk, "Obviously you are not feeling well. I have noticed that, and I would like to know how you think you might solve the problem".

In this option, an open question can be asked to give the subject the opportunity to express his/her thoughts so that his/her suicidal tendencies can be exposed.

Second variant
Questions can be asked based on the symptom or symptoms that most annoy the subject to discover any suicidal tendencies. For instance, "You say you have difficulty sleeping, and I know that when it happens sometimes strange ideas cross your mind. Would you like to talk about them? What do you think about when you cannot sleep?".

Third variant
The subject can also be approached in this way: "I know you have not been feeling well lately. Have you had any bad thoughts?".

In this case, "bad thoughts" is synonymous with suicidal ideas. It is also possible to use expressions such as "unpleasant thoughts", "recurrent" or "strange" thoughts, etc. If the subject answers affirmatively, the questioner should try to find out what those bad thoughts are, as they might be associated with unjustified fears such as the fear of becoming diseased or receiving bad news, which are not necessarily suicidal ideas.

Fourth variant
The subject can be asked directly whether he or she has had suicidal ideas, such as "Have you considered killing yourself as a solution to all your problems?", "Have you thought about committing suicide?", "Has the idea of ending your life ever crossed your mind?".

Fifth variant
It is necessary that both the subject at risk and the questioner know of a previous case of suicide committed by a family member, friend or neighbor. The question should be asked in this way "Are you thinking of solving your problems by ending your life like xxxx did?".

If the answer to this question suggests that the subject has suicidal ideas, it is advisable to continue asking the following sequence of questions.

How do you plan to do it?
This question is intended to find out the suicide method being considered. Any method can be lethal. Suicide risk is greater if there are previous cases of suicide committed by other family members using the same method. The risk is even greater in cases of repeat suicide attempts, where the suicidal person might be in search of a more lethal (i.e. successful) suicide method. For the prevention of suicide it is vital to avoid the availability of or access to methods that could inflict harm to the subject.

When do you plan to do it?
This question does not aim to get an exact date of when the person plans to commit suicide, but is intended to find out if the subject is making arrangements, for example, to bequeath their possessions or whether he/she has written farewell notes, if he/she is giving away valuable items, if the person expects a significant event to take place such as the break-up of an important relationship, the death of a beloved person, etc.

Subjects at risk of committing suicide should always be in the company of someone else, as being alone increases the likelihood the act will be accomplished.

Where do you plan to do it?
This question might lead to discovery of where the subject has thought they might commit suicide. The act usually takes place in a spot visited by the suicidal person on a regular basis, mainly his or her home, school, or the home of a family member or friend. Other high-risk locations are distant places (e.g. countryside), places hard to find or places that have been used before in other suicides.

Why do you want to do it?
This question tries to find out the motive or reason for why the subject wants to commit suicide. Among the most common motives are troubled relationships, academic problems, having been scolded in a humiliating way, etc. Motives should always be considered significant for the subject at risk and they should never be dismissed or appraised from the point of view of other family members.

What do you want to do it for?
The aim of this question is to find out the meaning of the suicidal act to the person. Wishing to die is the most dangerous motive, but not the only one. There could be other reasons involved, such as attracting other people's attention, to show the magnitude of their problems, to express rage or frustration, to ask for help, to attack others, and so on [2,12].

Conclusion
The more questions the subject can answer, the better shaped his suicidal plan is and the higher the risk. Consequently, the following question is raised: what should the family do when one of its members has suicidal ideas?

There are four main measures to undertake:
  • Never leave him/her alone.
  • Ensure the method chosen by the subject cannot be used.
  • Make all family members aware of the subject's suicide crisis so that they can help to keep an eye on the subject and to provide emotional support.
  • Contact a mental health institution so that the subject can receive specialized professional care.
It should be remembered that a suicide crisis can last hours, days, and in rare cases weeks, so the main goal is to keep the subject alive until he/she can receive specialized care. Never forget that suicide is a death that can be avoided.

References
  1. Pérez Barrero SA, Sereno Batista A: Conocimientos de un grupo de adolescentes sobre la conducta suicida. Revista Internacional de Tanatología y Suicidio Vol. 1.N° 2 Junio 2001, 7-10.
  2. Pérez Barrero SA: Psicoterapia para aprender a vivir. Editorial Oriente. Santiago de Cuba 2003.
  3. Pérez Barrero SA: Manejo de la crisis suicida del adolescente BSCP Can Ped. 2004, 1:79-89. 28-Na
  4. Pérez Barrero SA: El suicidio, comportamiento y prevención, Editorial Oriente, Santiago de Cuba. 1996.
  5. Pérez Barrero SA: Lo que usted debiera saber sobre... SUICIDIO, Imágenes Gráfica S.A., México DF. 1999.
  6. Pérez Barrero SA: Psicoterapia del comportamiento suicida, Ed. Hosp. Psiq. De La Habana. 2001.
  7. Quinnet P: PPR. Haga una pregunta, salve una vida. Instituto Quinnet USA 1995.
  8. Wasserman D, (Ed): Suicide – An Unnecessary Death. London: Martin Dunitz; 2001.
  9. World Health Organization: Preventing Suicide: A Resource for Primary Health Care Workers. Geneva: WHO; 2000.
  10. World Health Organization: Preventing Suicide: A Resource for Teachers and Other School Staff. Geneva: WHO; 2000.
  11. World Health Organization: Preventing Suicide: A Resource for General Physicians. Geneva: WHO; 2000.
  12. Pérez Barrero SA: La adolescencia y el comportamiento suicida. Ediciones Bayamo 2002.

Monday, November 05, 2007

Impact of Obesity and Dieting

From: HealthyPlace.com

Introduction

In discussions about the theories, common problems, and treatment of repeat dieters or those dealing with issues of weight preoccupation, obesity and dieting are often interrelated. There are physical, psychological and social aspects to the problems of obesity. This is why the social work profession is ideally suited to understanding the problems and provide effective intervention.

Some controversy surrounds whether obesity is considered an "eating disorder." Stunkard (1994) has defined Night Eating Syndrome and Binge Eating Disorder as eating disorders that contribute to obesity. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV ™) (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) characterizes eating disorders as severe disturbances in eating behavior. It does not include simple obesity as an eating disorder because it is not consistently associated with a psychological or behavioral syndrome. Labeling obesity as an eating disorder that needs to be "cured" implies a focus on physical or psychological processes and does not include recognition of the social factors that may also have a contributive impact. Weight preoccupation and dieting behaviors will certainly have some aspects of an eating disorder and its psychological implications such as inappropriate eating behaviors or disturbances in body perception. In this paper, neither obesity or weight preoccupation are considered to be eating disorders. Labeling these as eating disorders does not provide any useful clinical or functional purpose and only serves to further stigmatize the obese and weight-preoccupied.

What is Obesity?

It is difficult to find an adequate or clear definition of obesity. Many sources discuss obesity in terms of percentage above normal weight using weight and height as parameters. Sources vary in their definitions as to what is considered "normal" or "ideal" versus "overweight" or "obese." Sources range in defining a person who is 10% above ideal as obese to 100% above ideal as obese (Bouchard, 1991; Vague, 1991). Even ideal weight is difficult to define. Certainly not all people of a certain height should be expected to weigh the same. Determining obesity by poundage alone is not always indicative of a weight problem.

Bailey (1991) has suggested that the use of measuring tools such as fat calipers or water submersion techniques where the percentage of fat is determined and considered within acceptable or non-acceptable standards is a better indicator of obesity. Waist-hip ratio measurements are also considered to be a better determination of risk factors due to obesity. The waist-hip ratio takes into account the distribution of fat on the body. If fat distribution is mainly concentrated at the stomach or abdomen (visceral obesity), the health risks for heart disease, high blood pressure, and diabetes increase. If fat distribution is concentrated at the hips (femoral or saggital obesity), there is considered to be somewhat less of a physical health risk (Vague, 1991).

Currently, the most common measurement of obesity is through the use of the Body Mass Index (BMI) scale. The BMI is based on the ratio of weight over height squared (kg/MxM). The BMI gives a broader range of weight that may be appropriate for a specific height. A BMI of 20 to 25 is considered to be within ideal body weight range. A BMI between 25 to 27 is somewhat at a health risk and a BMI above 30 is considered at significant health risk due to obesity. Most medical sources define a BMI of 27 or higher to be "obese." Although the BMI scale does not take into account musculature or fat distribution, it is the most convenient and presently most widely understood measure of obesity risk (Vague, 1991). For the purposes of this study, a BMI of 27 and above is considered to be obese. The terms obese or overweight are used interchangeably throughout this thesis and refer to those with a BMI of 27 or higher.

Obesity and Dieting Demographics

Berg (1994) reported that the most recent National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES III) revealed that the average body mass index of American adults has risen from 25.3 to 26.3. This would indicate an almost 8 pound increase in the average weight of adults over the past 10 years. These statistics indicate that 35 percent of all women and 31 percent of men have BMIs over 27. The gains extend across all ethnic, age, and gender groups. Canadian statistics indicate that obesity is prevalent in the Canadian adult population. The Canadian Heart Health Survey (Macdonald, Reeder, Chen, & Depres, 1994) showed that 38% of adult males and 80% of adult females had BMIs of 27 or higher. This statistic has remained relatively unchanged over the past 15 years. Therefore, it clearly indicates that in North America, approximately one-third of the adult population is considered to be obese.

The NHANES III study reviewed the possible causes of the pervasiveness of obesity and took into consideration such issues as an increasing American sedentary lifestyle and the prevalence of eating food outside the home. It is interesting to note that in an era in which dieting has become almost the norm and profits from the diet industry are high, overall weight is increasing! This could this lend some credibility to the notion that dieting behaviors lead to increased weight gain.

In the Canadian survey, approximately 40% of men and 60% of women who were obese stated that they were trying to lose weight. It was estimated that 50% of all women are dieting at any one time and Wooley and Wooley (1984) estimated that 72% of adolescents and young adults were dieting. In Canada, it was striking to note that one third of women who had a healthy BMI (20-24) were trying to lose weight. It was disturbing to note that 23% of women in the lowest weight category (BMI under 20) wanted to further reduce their weight.

Physical Risks of Obesity and Dieting

There is evidence that suggests obesity is linked to increased sickness and death rates. The physical risks to the obese have been described in terms of increased risks of hypertension, gall bladder disease, certain cancers, elevated levels of cholesterol, diabetes, heart disease and stroke, and some associative risks with conditions such as arthritis, gout, abnormal pulmonary function, and sleep apnea (Servier Canada, Inc.,1991; Berg, 1993). However, increasingly there have been conflicting opinions about the health risks of being overweight. Vague (1991) suggests that the health risks of being overweight may be more determined by genetic factors, fat location, and chronic dieting. Obesity may not be a major risk factor in heart disease or premature death in those who do not have pre-existing risks. In fact, there are some indications that moderate obesity (about 30 pounds overweight) may be healthier than thinness (Waaler, 1984).

It has been hypothesized that it is not the weight that causes the physical health symptoms found in the obese. Ciliska (1993a) and Bovey (1994) suggest the physical risks manifested in the obese are a result of the stress, isolation and prejudice that are experienced from living in a fat-phobic society. In support for this contention, Wing, Adams-Campbell, Ukoli, Janney, and Nwankwo (1994) studied and compared African cultures which exhibited increased acceptance of higher levels of fat distribution. She found that there were no significant increases in health risks where obesity was an accepted part of the cultural composition.

The health risks of obesity are usually well known to the general public. The public is often less well informed about the health risks of dieting and other weight loss strategies such as liposuction or gastroplasty. Dieters have been known to experience a wide variety of health complications including cardiac disorders, gallbladder damage, and death (Berg, 1993). Diet-induced obesity has been considered a direct result of weight cycling due to the body regaining more and more weight after each diet attempt such that there is a resultant net gain (Ciliska, 1990). Therefore, the physical risks of obesity may be attributed to the repetitive pattern of dieting that created the obesity through a gradual net gain of weight after each diet attempt. It is believed that the physical health risk in people who repeatedly go through weight losses followed by weight gains is likely greater than if they were to stay the same weight "above" ideal (Ciliska, 1993b)

Causes of Obesity

The underlying causes of obesity are largely unknown (National Institute of Health [NIH], 1992). The medical community and general public hold the strongly entrenched belief that most obesities are caused by an excessive amount of caloric intake with low energy expenditure. Most treatment models assume the obese eat considerably more than the non-obese and that daily food intake must be restricted in order to ensure weight loss. This belief is directly opposed by Stunkard, Cool, Lindquist, and Meyers (1980), and Garner and Wooley (1991) who contend that most obese people do NOT eat more than the general population. There is often no difference in the amount of food consumed, speed of eating, bite size or total calories consumed between obese people and the general population. There is a great deal of controversy to these beliefs. On the one hand, overweight people often state that they do not eat more than their thin friends. However, many overweight people will self report that they do eat considerably more than they need. For many of the obese, dieting behaviors may have created a dysfunctional relationship with food such that they may have learned to turn to food increasingly to meet many of their emotional needs. (Bloom & Kogel, 1994).

It is not entirely clear whether normal weight people who are not weight preoccupied are able to tolerate or adapt to varying amounts of food in a more efficient fashion or whether the obese who have attempted calorie restricted diets may indeed have a food intake that is too high for their daily needs (Garner & Wooley, 1991). Through repeated dieting, dieters may be unable to read their own satiety signals and therefore will eat more than others (Polivy & Herman, 1983). The very act of dieting results in binge eating behaviors. It is known that the onset of binge behaviors occurs only after the experience of dieting. It is believed that dieting creates binge eating behavior that is difficult to stop even when the person is no longer on a diet (NIH, 1992).

Therefore, the evidence would suggest that obesity is caused by a multitude of factors that are difficult to determine. There may be genetic, physiologic, biochemical, environmental, cultural, socioeconomic, and psychological conditions. It is important to recognize that being overweight is not simply a problem of will power as it is commonly assumed (NIH, 1992).

Physiological Aspects of Dieting and Obesity

Physiological explanations of obesity look to such areas as genetic predispositions to weight gain, set point theory, different ranges of metabolism and the issue of "diet induced obesity." Some physiological evidence may indicate that obesity is more a physical rather than psychological issue. Mouse studies undertaken by Zhang, Proenca, Maffei, Barone, Leopold, and Freidman (1994) and twin studies conducted by Bouchard (1994) indicate that there may indeed be a genetic predisposition for obesity and fat distribution.

Metabolic rates are determined by genetic inheritance and have often been discussed in relation to obesity. It has been hypothesized that overweight people may alter their metabolism and weight through caloric restriction. At the onset of a calorie reduced diet the body loses weight. However, slowly, the body recognizes it is in "famine" conditions. Metabolism slows down considerably so that the body is able to maintains itself on fewer calories. In evolution, this was a survival technique that ensured a population, particularly the females, could survive in times of famine. Today, the ability for one's metabolism to slow with dieting means that weight loss efforts through dieting will usually not be effective (Ciliska, 1990).

Set point theory also relates to issues of metabolism. If one's metabolic rate is reduced to ensure survival, fewer calories are needed. The "set point" is lowered. Therefore, one will gain more weight when the diet stops ensuring a subsequent weight gain on fewer calories. This phenomena is often found in women who have endured a very low calorie liquid protein diet (VLCD) that consists of 500 calories per day. Weight is lost initially, stabilizes and when calories are increased to just 800 per day, weight is GAINED. It is believed that the set point is lowered and a resultant net gain occurs (College of Physicians and Surgeons of Alberta, 1994).

There has been discussion that the process of prolonged and repeated dieting puts the body at physical risk. Yo-yo dieting or weight cycling is the repeated loss and regain of weight. Brownell, Greenwood, Stellar, and Shrager (1986) suggested that repeat dieting will result in increased food efficiency that makes weight loss harder and weight regain easier. The National Task Force on the Prevention and Treatment of Obesity (1994) concluded that the long term health effects of weight cycling were largely inconclusive. It recommended that the obese should continue to be encouraged to lose weight and that there were considerable health benefits in remaining at a stable weight. This is an ironic suggestion in that most dieters do not intentionally try to regain weight once it has been lost.

Garner and Wooley (1991) have discussed how the prevalence of high fat foods in western society has challenged the adaptive capacity of the gene pool such that there is an increasing amount of obesity found in western populations. The belief that it is only the obese who overeat is sustained by stereotypical assumptions that non-obese individuals eat less. Normal weight individuals who eat a great deal will usually attract little or no attention to themselves. As Louderback (1970) wrote, "A fat person munching on a single stalk of celery looks gluttonous, while a skinny person wolfing down a twelve-course meal simply looks hungry."

Psychological Aspects of Dieting and Obesity

While stating that the physical consequences of weight cycling were unclear but likely not as serious as some would assume, the National Task Force on the Prevention and Treatment of Obesity (1994) stated that the psychological impact of weight cycling was in need of further investigation. The study did not address the devastating emotional impact that repeat dieters universally experience when they repeatedly attempt diets that result in failure. The psychological damage that has been attributed to dieting include depression, diminishment of self esteem, and the onset of binge eating and eating disorders (Berg, 1993).

People may overeat compulsively due to psychological reasons that may include sexual abuse, alcoholism, a dysfunctional relationship with food, or genuine eating disorders such as bulimia (Bass & Davis, 1992). Such individuals are believed to use food to cope with other issues or feelings in their lives. Bertrando, Fiocco, Fascarini, Palvarinis, and Pereria (1990) discuss the "message" that the overweight person may be trying to send. The fat may be a symptom or signal representative of the need for protection or a hiding place. It has been suggested that overweight family members are often found having family therapy issues as well. Dysfunctional family relationships have been known to be manifested in such areas as parent-child struggles involving eating disorders. I believe that similar issues can also be recognized in families where there are family members who are perceived to be overweight regardless as to the accuracy of this perception.

Self Esteem and Body Image

Studies suggest that obese women will have significantly lower self esteem and negative body image than normal weight women (Campbell, 1977; Overdahl, 1987). When individuals fail to lose weight, issues of low self esteem, repeated failures, and the feeling that they "didn't try hard enough" come into play. Embarking on a diet that ultimately results in failure or even a higher rebound weight will have a significant negative impact on self esteem and body image. Contempt of oneself and disturbance of body image are often seen in those that struggle with weight control issues (Rosenberg, 1981). Wooley and Wooley (1984) have stated that concern over weight leads to "a virtual collapse" of self esteem.

Body image is the picture a person has of her body, what it looks like to her and what she thinks it looks like to others. This can be accurate or inaccurate and is often subject to change. The relationship between body image and self esteem is complicated. Often dual feelings that "I am fat" and "therefore I am worthless" go hand in hand (Sanford & Donovan, 1993). Both body image and self esteem are perceptions that are actually independent of physical realities. Improving body image involves changing the way one thinks about one's body rather than undergoing physical change (Freedman, 1990). To improve body image and therefore improve self esteem, it is important for women to learn to like themselves and to take care of themselves through healthy lifestyle choices that do not emphasize weight loss as the only measure of good health.

Relationship With Food

Repeat dieters often learn to use food to cope with their emotions. Women's experiences with emotional eating have often been neglected, trivialized and misunderstood (Zimberg, 1993). Polivy and Herman (1987) contend that dieting often results in distinctive personality traits such as "passivity, anxiety and emotionality." It is interesting to note that these are characteristics often used to describe women in stereotypical ways.

Food is often used to feed or nurture oneself for both physical and psychological hunger. Food is used to literally swallow emotions. I believe that when people become weight or diet preoccupied, it is often "safer" to focus on food and eating than on underlying emotional issues. It is important for people to look closely at their relationship with food. Through repeated experiences of dieting, people will develop a skewed relationship with food. Food should not be a moral judgment as to whether or not you have been "good" or "bad" depending on what has been consumed. Similarly, a person's self worth should not be measured on the bathroom scale.

There is often the belief that if one can make "peace" with food, then the logical result will be that weight will then be lost (Roth, 1992). While it is important to look at one's relationship with food and have it become a less powerful influence in life, this will not necessarily lead to weight loss. Studies that have utilized a non-dieting approach resulting in food disempowerment have shown that weight remained approximately stable (Ciliska, 1990). It may be considered a positive result for a person to be able to resolve a distorted relationship with food and then be able to maintain a stable weight without the gains and losses that repeat dieters often undergo.

I believe that when people become weight or diet preoccupied, it is often "safer" to focus on food and eating than on emotional issues. That is, for some people it may be easier to focus on their weight than to focus on the overwhelming feelings that they have learned to cope with through eating behaviors. People use food to nurture themselves or to literally "swallow" their emotions. Food is often used to cope with emotions such as grief, sadness, boredom, and even happiness. If food loses its power to aid in distracting or avoiding difficult situations, it may be quite overwhelming to confront the issues that were previously avoided through weight preoccupation or abnormal eating. Additionally, the excessive focus on concerns about body weight and dieting may also serve as a functional distraction to other overwhelming life issues.

Social Impact of Dieting and Obesity

From a young age, a woman is often given the message that she must be beautiful to be worthy. Attractive people are not only seen as more attractive, they are seen as smarter, more compassionate and morally superior. Cultural ideals of beauty are often transient, unhealthy and impossible for most women to live up to. Women are encouraged to be delicate, frail or "waif-like." There is a very narrow range of what is considered to be "acceptable" body size. Shapes that are not within this range are met with discrimination and prejudice (Stunkard & Sorensen, 1993). Women are taught early in life to be wary of what they eat and to fear getting fat. Trusting one's body often evokes tremendous fear for most women. Our society teaches women that eating is wrong (Friedman, 1993). Young women have long been taught to control their bodies and appetites, both sexually and with food (Zimberg, 1993). Women are expected to constrain their appetites and pleasures (Schroff, 1993).

We live in an age where women are seeking equality and empowerment, yet are starving themselves through diet and weight preoccupation while assuming that they can keep up with their better fed (male) counterparts. The strong social pressure to be thin began after World-War II (Seid, 1994). Magazines began showing thinner images of models as both pornography and the women's movement increased (Wooley, 1994). Faludi (1991) states that when society makes women conform to such a thin standard, it becomes a form of oppression towards women and a way of ensuring their inability to compete on equal grounds. The emphasis on thinness in our culture not only oppresses women, it also serves as a form of social control (Sanford & Donovan, 1993).

The stereotypical view of the overweight held by society is that they are unfeminine, antisocial, out of control, asexual, hostile and aggressive (Sanford & Donovan, 1993). Zimberg (1993) questions whether weight preoccupation would be a problem for women if it did not exist alongside society's clear prejudice against fat people. "Public derision and condemnation of fat people is one of the few remaining social prejudices... allowed against any group based solely on appearance" (Garner & Wooley, 1991). It is assumed that the obese willingly bring their condition on themselves through lack of will power and self control. The discriminatory implications of being overweight are well known and are often accepted as "truths" in western society. Fat oppression, the fear and hatred of fat is so commonplace in Western cultures that it is rendered invisible (MacInnis, 1993). Obesity is seen as a danger sign in moralistic terms that may imply personality faults, weak wills and laziness.

The obese face discriminatory practices such as having lower acceptance rates in high ranking colleges, a reduced likelihood of being hired for jobs and a lower possibility of movement to a higher social class through marriage. These effects are more severe for women than men. Obese women are not a strong social force and are likely to be of lower status in income and occupation (Canning & Mayer,1966; Larkin & Pines, 1979). "Prejudice, discrimination, contempt, stigmatization and rejection are not only sadistic, fascist and intensely painful for fat people. These things have a serious effect on physical, mental and emotional health; an effect which is real, and must not be trivialized." (Bovey, 1994)

by Rhonda Zabrodski BSc, MSW, RSW

Tuesday, September 04, 2007

Chapter 7 Suicidal Behaviour

Source: Public Health Agency of Canada

Highlights

  • In 1998, 3,699 Canadians died as a result of suicide.
  • Suicide accounts for 24% of all deaths among 15-24 year olds and 16% among 25-44 year olds.
  • The mortality rate due to suicide among men is 4 times the rate among women.
  • Individuals between 15-44 years of age account for 73% of hospital admissions for attempted suicide.
  • Women are hospitalized in general hospitals for attempted suicide at 1.5 times the rate of men.

What Is Suicidal Behaviour?

Suicidal behaviour is an important and preventable public health problem in Canada. While not in itself a mental illness, suicidal behaviour is highly correlated with mental illness and raises many similar issues. It usually marks the end of a long road of hopelessness, helplessness and despair. All people who consider suicide feel life to be unbearable.

Suicidal behaviour that does not result in death (attempted suicide) is a sign of serious distress and can be a turning point for the individual if he/she is given sufficient assistance to make the necessary life changes.1 For some individuals, particularly those with borderline personality disorder, suicidal behaviour is one of the results of the illness.

Warning Signs
Suicidal behaviour
  • Repeated expressions of hopelessness, helplessness or desperation
  • Signs of depression (loss of interest in usual activities, changes in sleep pattern, loss of appetite, loss of energy, expressing negative comments about self)
  • Loss of interest in friends, hobbies or previously enjoyed activities
  • Giving away prized possessions or putting personal affairs in order
  • Telling final wishes to someone close
  • Expressing suicidal thoughts
  • Expressing intent to commit suicide and having a plan, such as taking pills or hanging oneself at a specific place and time

How Common Is Suicidal Behaviour?

Suicide

Early in 2002, Statistics Canada produced a detailed summary report on suicide deaths and attempted suicide in Canada.2 According to the report, suicide is one of the leading causes of death in both men and women from adolescence to middle age.

In 1998, suicide caused the deaths of 3,699 Canadians (12.2 per 100,000): 46 individuals aged under 15 years; 562 aged 15-24 years; 1,596 aged 25-44 years; 1,038 aged 45-64 years; and 457 aged 65 years and over. This represented 2% of all deaths in Canada.

The actual number of suicide deaths may be considerably higher, however, either because information about the nature of the death may become available only after the original death certificate is completed, or because assessing whether the death was intentional may be difficult in some situations.2 When a cause of death is uncertain, the coroner may initially code the death as "undetermined" and confirm the death as a suicide only after investigation. This additional information does not appear in the mortality database. The stigma about suicide also influences coding on the death certificate.

In 1998, as in most years, overall mortality rates due to suicide among men were nearly 4 times higher than among women (19.5 versus 5.1 per 1,000, respectively).

Rates among women showed three peaks: in the late teens (15-19 years), in middle age (45-59 years) and among older seniors (80-84 years) (Figure 7-1). Mortality rates among men rose dramatically in the late teens (15-19 years) and early twenties (20- 24 years,) and continued high until middle age (40-44 years), when they started to decrease. Rates started to increase among 70-74 year olds and were highest among men 80 years of age and over.

Figure 7-1 Mortality rates due to suicide per 100,000 by age and sex, Canada, 1998

Suicide is a major cause of death in young people. Among individuals aged between 15 and 24 years, nearly onequarter (23.8%) of all deaths in 1998 were due to suicide (Figure 7-2). Among young men (15-24 years), suicide accounted for 26.3% of all deaths. Among all 25-44 yearolds, the proportion of deaths due to suicide was 15.9% overall and 19.3% for men.

Figure 7-2 Proportion of all deaths due to suicide by age and sex, Canada, 1998

From the 1950s to the mid-1980s suicide rates increased dramatically among men.3 This phenomenon was observed to a lesser degree among women. Between 1987 and 1998, however, mortality rates due to suicide changed very little, with perhaps a slight decrease among both men and women (Figure 7-3). Given minor variations in suicide rates from year to year, additional years' data will be required to determine whether suicide rates are, in fact, decreasing.

Figure 7-3 Mortality rate per 100,000 due to suicide by sex, Canada, 1987-98 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

In the later 1990s, mortality rates due to suicide among women in the 45-64 year age group appear to have decreased (Figure 7-4). Rates may have increased among younger women aged 15-24 years. Between 1987 and 1998, there was no consistent pattern in mortality rates due to suicide in the various age groups of men (Figure 7-5). The small number of deaths results in instability of the rates, making it difficult to interpret differences in the age groups.

Figure 7-4 Mortality rate per 100,000 due to suicide among women by age, Canada, 1987-98 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

Figure 7-5 Mortality rate per 100,000 due to suicide among men by age, Canada, 1987-98 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

Attempted Suicide

Attempted suicide that does not result in serious injury is usually treated in the community. In fact, many individuals do not see health professionals, but are helped by family or friends, or perhaps by no one at all. Assessing the incidence of attempted suicide is, therefore, very difficult. Individuals are sometimes hospitalized for their own protection and to address the underlying factors that precipitated the crisis. Hospitalization data provide some insight into suicide attempts, but must be interpreted with caution because they only provide part of the picture.

In 1999, women were 1.5 times more likely than men to be hospitalized because of attempted suicide (Figure 7-6). This relationship was apparent in all except those 70 years of age and older, where men were hospitalized at higher rates than women. Young women between 15 and 19 years of age had much higher hospitalization rates than any other age group of either sex. After the age of 50, hospitalization rates decreased markedly among both men and women.

Figure 7-6 Hospitalizations for attempted suicide* in general hospitals per 100,000 by age group and sex, Canada, 1999/2000

Between 1987 and 1999, rates of hospitalization for attempted suicide peaked in 1995 (Figure 7-7). Rates declined in the latter 1990s among both men and women.

Figure 7-7 Rates of hospitalization for attempted suicide* in general hospitals by sex, Canada, 1987/88-1999/2000 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

In the two youngest age groups of women (<15>

Figure 7-8 Rates of hospitalization for attempted suicide* in general hospitals among women by age, Canada, 1987/88- 1999/2000 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

In the latter part of the 1990s, the pattern of hospitalization rates for attempted suicide in men was similar to that in women (Figure 7-9). Rates decreased markedly among men between 15 and 24 years of age, and the rates in the middle age groups remained steady.

Figure 7-9 Rates of hospitalization for attempted suicide* in general hospitals among men by age, Canada, 1987/88-1999/2000 (standardized to 1991 Canadian population)

Discussion

The difference in rates of suicide and attempted suicide among men and women has several possible explanations.4 Although both men and women exhibit suicidal behaviour, men express their despair through fatal acts (by, for example, use of a firearm (26%) or hanging (40%)), and women are more likely to choose less lethal acts (such as an overdose of pills, from which they can be resuscitated).2

Youth suicide is a tragic event that relates, in part, to events associated with this life stage. Resolving the challenges that are part of youth development, such as identity formation, gaining acceptance and approval among peers, and gaining acceptance from families is a stressful time for teenagers.5 For example, loss of a valued relationship, interpersonal conflict with family and friends, and the perceived pressure for high scholastic achievement can be overwhelming. For those who are vulnerable to suicide because of other factors, these developmental stresses can create a serious crisis for which suicide may seem to be the only solution. The impulsiveness of youth and their lack of experience in dealing with stressful issues also contribute to the higher risk of suicide.

Seniors face related challenges. They, too, experience the loss of relationships, but more through the death and chronic illness of their friends and life partners. They may also experience loss of their physical and mental abilities. Symptoms of depression may not be recognized and treated as such. In addition, being constantly faced with their own mortality, they may choose death on their own terms.

Suicide rates among the Aboriginal population are 3 to 6 times the rate of the national average, depending on the community.6 Rates are particularly high among teenagers and young adults. A recent Royal Commission stated that, historically, government and institutional policies toward the Aboriginal peoples have created a social environment that directly contributes to the higher incidence of suicidal behaviours.7 Because of conflicting messages about the value of their own culture, many Aboriginal people do not have a strong sense of self. In addition, cultural instability has led to sexual abuse, family violence and substance abuse, which are associated with a high risk of suicide. Childhood separation, poverty and access to firearms also are contributing factors.

Impact of Suicide

'I feel as though I am in a crowded room, watching everyone around me dance, but I can't hear the music,' said Claire, a survivor who lost both her father and sister to suicide.8

When a loved one dies by suicide, family members in mourning are left alive, left behind, left alone.8

An individual's suicide affects everyone in his/ her circle of family and friends. To begin with, those close to the individual feel a huge sense of loss. To some degree, they blame themselves for what has happened and second-guess whether they could have done something to prevent the tragedy. They experience a mixture of emotions, including both abandonment and anger toward the person who took his/her own life.

Family and close friends often feel isolated because the stigma associated with suicide makes it difficult to share their feelings with others: they find it hard to believe that anyone else could understand their feelings. Support groups can help survivors both to cope with the death and to adjust to life without the individual.

Stigma Associated with Suicide

Stigma. is externally imposed by society for an unacceptable act and internally imposed by oneself for unacceptable feelings.8

In general, society does not condone suicide. This is, to some extent, a result of the influence of religion: some religious institutions refuse to bury a person on consecrated ground if he/she has committed suicide. Another factor is a traditional assumption in many societies that the state or the community has an economic and political interest in the life of its members, and that suicide is therefore an offence against the state. Life insurers may not pay benefits to survivors. Social and institutional judgments concerning suicide create a stigma that is felt intensely by family members. They may sense discussion among their friends, but because the subject is never broached directly they feel isolated and as though they are being blamed. If the individual also had a mental illness, the family and friends must cope with this stigma as well.

Within the family, each member may blame him or herself or others for the death or may feel anger toward the individual who has died. Because they judge these emotions as unacceptable, maintaining silence often seems to be the best solution. The stigma against suicide operates, therefore, at two levels - social and personal. In either case, it acts as a major obstacle to frank discussion and emotional healing.

Causes of Suicidal Behaviour

The risk factors for suicidal behaviour are complex and the mechanisms of their interaction are not well understood. It is important to take an ecological perspective when considering the layers of influence on the individual. These layers include the self, family, peers, school, community, culture, society and the environment.5

A useful framework for categorizing the factors associated with suicidal behaviour includes four categories: predisposing factors, precipitating factors, contributing factors and protective factors.5

Predisposing Factors

Predisposing factors are enduring factors that make an individual vulnerable to suicidal behaviour. They include mental illness, abuse, early loss, family history of suicide and difficulty with peer relationships.

Research indicates that a very high proportion of people who kill themselves have a history of mental illness, such as depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia or borderline personality disorder. Of these, depression is the most common. This does not mean, however, that all people living with depression are suicidal.

Previous attempts at suicide serve as one of the strongest predictors of completed suicide.

Precipitating Factors

Precipitating factors are acute factors that create a crisis, such as interpersonal conflict or loss, pressure to succeed, conflict with the law, loss of stature in society, financial difficulties or rejection by society for some characteristic (such as ethnic origin or sexual orientation).

"The common stimulus in suicide is unendurable psychological pain.. The fear is that the trauma, the crisis, is bottomless - an eternal suffering. The person may feel boxed in, rejected, deprived, forlorn, distressed, and especially hopeless and helpless. It is the emotion of impotence, the feeling of being hopeless-helpless, that is so painful for many suicidal people. The situation is unbearable and the person desperately wants a way out of it."9

Contributing Factors

Contributing factors increase the exposure of the individual to either predisposing or precipitating factors. These include physical illness, sexual identity issues, unstable family, physical illness, risk-taking or self-destructive behaviour, suicide of a friend, isolation and substance abuse.

Protective Factors

Protective factors are those that decrease the risk of suicidal behaviour, such as personal resilience, tolerance for frustration, self-mastery, adaptive coping skills, positive expectations for the future, sense of humour and at least one positive healthy family relationship.

Prevention and Treatment

Using this framework of categories, suicide prevention programs must address the predisposing, precipitating, contributing and protective factors for suicidal behaviour:

  • Early identification and treatment programs address the predisposing factors.
  • Crisis intervention addresses the precipitating factors.
  • Treatment programs address the contributing factors.
  • Mental health promotion programs address the protective factors.

Many provinces, territories and communities have developed suicide prevention programs. Programs need to be both population-wide and targeted toward those who are at higher risk. A comprehensive program has a framework, goals and objectives and a commitment to adequate funding. Promotion of mental health of the entire Canadian population, reduction of risk factors and early recognition of those at risk of suicidal behaviour play essential roles in decreasing suicide and attempted suicide.

A comprehensive program has the following strategies.

  1. Increase public awareness and decrease the stigma associated with suicidal behaviour.
  2. Address determinants of health, including housing, income, education, employment and community attitudes.
  3. Implement prevention programs for youth, for individuals at high risk for suicidal behaviour, and for family members post-suicide.
  4. Provide and ensure equitable access to co-ordinated, integrated services, including crisis phone counselling and treatment of mental illnesses.
  5. Reduce access to lethal means of suicide, particularly firearms and lethal doses of prescription drugs. Since suicidal behaviour is often crisis-oriented and impulsive, restricting access to lethal means can substantially reduce the risk of the completion of a suicide attempt.10 This includes reducing access to firearms, bridges and dangerous sites, and medication.
  6. Train service providers and educators in the early identification of predisposing factors and crisis management.
  7. Conduct research and evaluation to inform the development of effective suicide prevention programs. These research efforts need to address the causes of suicidal behaviours, factors that increase risks for these behaviours, and factors that are protective and that may facilitate resiliency in vulnerable persons. Research must also evaluate the effectiveness of health and social services.

Future Surveillance Needs

Suicidal behaviour is a very serious manifestation of stress, hopelessness and despair.

Existing data provide a very limited profile of suicidal behaviour in Canada. The available hospitalization and mortality data need to be complemented with additional data to fully monitor suicidal behaviour in Canada. Priority data needs include:

  • Incidence and prevalence of suicidal behaviour by age, sex and other key variables (for example, socio-economic status, education and ethnicity)
  • Prevalence of other mental illnesses in association with suicidal behaviour
  • Impact of suicidal behaviour on the individual and family
  • Access to and use of primary and specialist health care services
  • Access to and use of public and private mental health services
  • Access to and use of mental health services in other systems, such as schools, employee assistance programs, and criminal justice programs and facilities
  • Stigma associated with suicidal behaviour
  • Access to the means of suicide
  • Treatment outcomes
  • Exposure to known or suspected risk and protective factors

References

  1. Bland RD, Dyck RJ, Newman SC, Orn H. Attempted suicide in Edmonton. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1998: 136.
  2. Langlois S, Morrison P. Suicide deaths and suicide attempts. Health Reports 2002;13:2:9-22. Statistics Canada Catalogue 83-003
  3. Sakinofsky I. The epidemiology of suicide in Canada. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1998: 38.
  4. Canetto SS, Sakinofsky I. The gender paradox in suicide. Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior 1998;28:1:1-23.
  5. White J. Comprehensive youth suicide prevention: a model for understanding. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998: 165-226.
  6. Sinclair CM. Suicide in First Nations people. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998: 165-78.
  7. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Choosing Life: Special Report on Suicide Among Aboriginal People. Ottawa: Canadian Government Publishing, 1995: Chapter 3.
  8. Rosenfeld L. 'I can't hear the music'. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1998: 376.
  9. Leenaars AA. Suicide, euthanasia, and assisted suicide. Leenaars AA, Wenckstern S, Sakinofsky I, Dyck RJ, Kral MJ, Bland RC, ed., Suicide in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1998: 460-461.
  10. Kessler RC, Borges G, Walters EE. Prevalence of and risk factors for lifetime suicide attempts in the National Comorbidity Survey. Arch Gen Psychiatry 1999;56:617-626.